Saturday, August 09, 2008








Nigel Parry for The New York Times

From left: Mayor Michael Nutter of Philadelphia; Representative James Clyburn of South Carolina; Representative John Lewis of Georgia; and Representative Artur Davis of Alabama.

By MATT BAI Of NY TIMES
Published: August 6, 2008

Forty-seven years after he last looked out from behind the bars of a South Carolina jail cell, locked away for leading a march against segregation in Columbia, James Clyburn occupies a coveted suite of offices on the second and third floors of the United States Capitol, alongside the speaker and the House majority leader. Above his couch hangs a black-and-white photograph of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. speaking in Charleston, with the boyish Clyburn and a group of other men standing behind him onstage. When I visited Clyburn recently, he told me that the photo was taken in 1967, nine months before King’s assassination, when rumors of violence were swirling, and somewhere on the side of the room a photographer’s floodlight had just come crashing down unexpectedly. At the moment the photo was taken, everyone pictured has reflexively jerked their heads in the direction of the sound, with the notable exception of King himself, who remains in profile, staring straight ahead at his audience. Clyburn prizes that photo. It tells the story, he says, of a man who knew his fate but who, quite literally, refused to flinch.

On the day in early July when Clyburn and I talked, Barack Obama, who is the same age as one of Clyburn’s three daughters, had recently clinched his party’s nomination for president. Clyburn, who as majority whip is the highest-ranking black elected official in Washington, told me that on the night of the final primaries he left the National Democratic Club down the street about 15 minutes before Obama was scheduled to speak and returned home to watch by himself. He feared he might lose hold of his emotions.

“Here we are, all of a sudden, in the 60th year after Strom Thurmond bolting the Democratic Party over a simple thing, something almost unheard of — because he did not want the armed forces to be integrated,” Clyburn said slowly. “Here we are 45 years after the ‘I have a dream’ speech. Forty years after the assassinations of Kennedy and King. And this party that I have been a part of for so long, this party that has been accused of taking black people for granted, is about to deliver the nomination for the nation’s highest office to an African-American. How do you describe that? All those days in jail cells, wondering if anything you were doing was even going to have an impact.” He shook his head silently.

This time, however, a lot of the old activists stood in the path of an African-American’s advancement rather than blazing it. While Democratic black voters embraced Obama by ratios of 8 or 9 to 1 in a lot of districts, the 42 House members in the Congressional Black Caucus, for a time, split more or less down the middle between Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton, and the country’s leading black ministers and mayors trended toward the Clinton camp. Clyburn himself declined until the very end to endorse a candidate in this year’s primaries, saying that his leadership role required him to remain neutral, but he made no effort to disguise his relief at having been able to invoke that excuse. “Being African-American, sure, my heart was with him,” Clyburn told me. “But I’ve got a head too. And in the beginning my head was with Clinton. The conventional wisdom was that this thing was going to be over in February.”

He then recalled a moment, just after the Georgia primary in early February, when he ran into John Lewis, the legendary civil rights leader and Georgia congressman, on the House floor. Lewis was in anguish over the primaries. He had endorsed his friend Hillary Clinton, but his constituents had gone heavily for Obama, and he was beginning to waver. As Clyburn remembered it, Lewis told his old friend sadly that after all these years, they were finally going to see history yield to the forces they had unleashed. “And I’m on the wrong side,” Lewis said. (Later, after weeks of public vacillating, he would switch his allegiance.)

It is hard for any outsider to fully understand the thinking that led many older black leaders to spurn the candidacy of a man who is now routinely pictured, along with ’60s-era revolutionaries like Angela Davis and Malcolm X, on the T-shirts sold at the street-corner kiosks of black America. (“You’d be real embarrassed if he won and you wasn’t down with it,” the comedian Chris Rock joked to a Harlem audience while introducing Obama last November. “You’d say: ‘Aww, I can’t call him now! I had that white lady! What was I thinking?’ ”) Conversations like those I had with Clyburn and Lewis, however, begin to illuminate just how emotionally complicated such internal deliberations were.

On a surface level, those who backed Clinton did so largely out of a combination of familiarity and fatalism. If you were a longtime black leader or activist at the end of 2007, you probably believed, based on your own life experience, that no black man was going to win the nomination, let alone the presidency. (“If anybody tells you they expected this result, they’re not being honest with you,” Clyburn cautioned.) You knew the Clintons personally, or at least you knew their allies in the community. Who was this Obama, really, aside from the resonant voice and the neon smile? As Charles Rangel, Harlem’s powerful representative and a strong Clinton ally, told me recently, “Of course I would support someone I knew and had liked and had worked with, versus someone I’d never heard of.”

But maybe it wasn’t only what you didn’t know about Obama. What did he know about you? Obama was barely 2 years old when King gave his famous speech, 3 when Lewis was beaten about the head in Selma. He didn’t grow up in the segregated South as Bill Clinton had. Sharing those experiences wasn’t a prerequisite for gaining the acceptance of black leaders, necessarily, but that didn’t mean Obama, with his nice talk of transcending race and baby-boomer partisanship, could fully appreciate the sacrifices they made, either. “Every kid is always talking about what his parents have been through,” Rangel says, “and no kid has any clue what he’s talking about.”

For black Americans born in the 20th century, the chasms of experience that separate one generation from the next— those who came of age before the movement, those who lived it, those who came along after — have always been hard to traverse. Elijah Cummings, the former chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus and an early Obama supporter, told me a story about watching his father, a South Carolina sharecropper with a fourth-grade education, weep uncontrollably when Cummings was sworn in as a representative in 1996. Afterward, Cummings asked his dad if he had been crying tears of joy. “Oh, you know, I’m happy,” his father replied. “But now I realize, had I been given the opportunity, what I could have been. And I’m about to die.” In any community shadowed by oppression, pride and bitterness can be hard to untangle.

The generational transition that is reordering black politics didn’t start this year. It has been happening, gradually and quietly, for at least a decade, as younger African-Americans, Barack Obama among them, have challenged their elders in traditionally black districts. What this year’s Democratic nomination fight did was to accelerate that transition and thrust it into the open as never before, exposing and intensifying friction that was already there. For a lot of younger African-Americans, the resistance of the civil rights generation to Obama’s candidacy signified the failure of their parents to come to terms, at the dusk of their lives, with the success of their own struggle — to embrace the idea that black politics might now be disappearing into American politics in the same way that the Irish and Italian machines long ago joined the political mainstream.

“I’m the new black politics,” says Cornell Belcher, a 38-year-old pollster who is working for Obama. “The people I work with are the new black politics. We don’t carry around that history. We see the world through post-civil-rights eyes. I don’t mean that disrespectfully, but that’s just the way it is.

“I don’t want in any way to seem critical of the generation of leadership who fought so I could be sitting here,” Belcher told me when we met for breakfast at the Four Seasons in Georgetown one morning. He wears his hair in irreverent spikes and often favors tennis shoes with suit jackets. “Barack Obama is the sum of their struggle. He’s the sum of their tears, their fights, their marching, their pain. This opportunity is the sum of that.

“But it’s like watching something that you’ve been working on all your life sort of come together right before your eyes, and you can’t see it,” Belcher said. “It’s like you’ve been building the Great Wall of China, and you finally put that last stone in. And you can’t see it. You just can’t see the enormity of it.”

The latest evidence of tension between Obama and some older black leaders burst onto cable television last month, after an open microphone on Fox News picked up the Rev. Jesse Jackson crudely making the point that he wouldn’t mind personally castrating his party’s nominee. The reverend was angry because Obama, in a Father’s Day speech on Chicago’s South Side, chastised black fathers for shirking their responsibilities. To Jackson, this must have sounded a lot like a presidential candidate polishing his bona fides with white Americans at the expense of black ones — something he himself steadfastly refused to do even during his second presidential run in 1988, when he captured more votes than anyone thought possible.

Most of the coverage of this minor flap dwelled on the possible animus between Jackson and Obama, despite the fact that Obama himself, who is not easily distracted, seemed genuinely unperturbed by it. But more interesting, perhaps, was the public reaction of Jesse Jackson Jr., the reverend’s 43-year-old son, who is a congressman from Illinois and the national co-chairman of Obama’s campaign. The younger Jackson released a blistering statement in which he said he was “deeply outraged and disappointed” by the man he referred to, a little icily, as “Reverend Jackson.” Invoking his father’s most famous words, Jesse Jr. concluded, “He should keep hope alive and any personal attacks and insults to himself.”

This exchange between the two Jacksons hinted at a basic generational divide on the question of what black leadership actually means. Black leaders who rose to political power in the years after the civil rights marches came almost entirely from the pulpit and the movement, and they have always defined leadership, in broad terms, as speaking for black Americans. They saw their job, principally, as confronting an inherently racist white establishment, which in terms of sheer career advancement was their only real option anyway. For almost every one of the talented black politicians who came of age in the postwar years, like James Clyburn and Charles Rangel, the pinnacle of power, if you did everything right, lay in one of two offices: City Hall or the House of Representatives. That was as far as you could travel in politics with a mostly black constituency. Until the 1990s, even black politicians with wide support among white voters failed in their attempts to win statewide, with only one exception (Edward Brooke, who was elected to the U.S. Senate from Massachusetts in 1966). On a national level, only Jesse Jackson was able to garner a respectable number of white votes, muscling open the door through which Obama, 20 years later, would breezily pass.

This newly emerging class of black politicians, however, men (and a few women) closer in age to Obama and Jesse Jr., seek a broader political brief. Comfortable inside the establishment, bred at universities rather than seminaries, they are just as likely to see themselves as ambassadors to the black community as they are to see themselves as spokesmen for it, which often means extolling middle-class values in urban neighborhoods, as Obama did on Father’s Day. Their ambitions range well beyond safely black seats.

Artur Davis, an Alabama representative and one of the most talked-about young talents on Capitol Hill, recently told me a story about his first campaign for Congress, in 2000, when he challenged the longtime black incumbent Earl Hilliard. Davis was only 32 at the time, a federal prosecutor who graduated from Harvard Law School, and he saw Hilliard as the classic example of a passing political model — a guy who saw himself principally as a spokesman for the community rather than as an actual legislator.

After a debate in which Davis pounded the incumbent for being out of touch with the district, Hilliard took him aside. “Young man, you have a good political future,” Davis recalled Hilliard telling him. “But you’ve got to learn one basic lesson. You’re trying to start at the top, and you can’t start at the top in politics.”

“With all due respect, Congressman,” Davis replied, “I don’t think a group with 435 members can be the top of anything.”

Davis lost that race, but he won in a rematch two years later. Now he’s weighing a run for governor.

One telling difference between black representatives of Davis’s generation and the more senior set in Washington is how they initially viewed the role of race in this year’s primaries. Older members of the Congressional Black Caucus assumed, well into the primary season, that a black candidate wouldn’t be able to win in predominantly white states. This, after all, had been their lifelong experience in politics. Not only did Davis, who grew up in post-segregation Montgomery and supported Obama, reject this view, but he also wouldn’t concede when we talked that Obama’s race was, on balance, a detriment.

“Race was a factor in the contest between Obama and Clinton,” he told me. “There’s no question race will be a factor with Obama and McCain. But I’m not sure it plays out as neatly as people think. There’s no question that some young cohort of white voters were drawn to Obama because they like the idea of a break with the past. A young, white politician from Illinois might not have gotten that support. So race probably cost Obama some votes. And it probably won him some votes. That’s the complex reality we’re living in.”

When I met last month with Cory Booker, the mayor of Newark who at 39 is already something of a national sensation, he told me that he had just finished reading, belatedly, Obama’s memoir “Dreams From My Father.” He said passages about Obama’s youth in Hawaii had reminded him of his own experience with subtle racism in the affluent, mostly white suburb of Harrington Park, N.J. “You know, what it’s like growing up every single day and having people ask to touch your hair because they’ve never seen hair like that,” Booker said. “To have the entire class laugh and giggle when somebody pronounces ‘Niger’ as ‘nigger.’ The constant bombardment of that kind of thing really affects your spirit, and it’s every single day. Like when people want to come back from a vacation and compare their tan to yours and joke about being black.”

No doubt these were searing experiences for Booker, and I had to wince as he ticked them off, recognizing too much of myself and my white classmates from the 1980s in the imagery. But as Booker himself noted, they are a world away from the reality that was pounded into civil rights activists like his parents, to whom racism meant dogs and hoses and segregated schools and luncheonettes. You can imagine what James Clyburn — still haunted by the vivid memory of the moment he found out that his erudite father had never been allowed to graduate from high school — would make of the lifelong trauma caused by suburban kids asking to feel your hair.

A Rhodes scholar who graduated from Stanford and Yale Law, Booker won his office in 2006 after first running unsuccessfully in 2002 against the incumbent, Sharpe James, who governed Newark for an astounding 20 years (and was sentenced last month to prison time on federal corruption charges). James was the very model of the Black Power mayor, a defiant spokesman for his community and a deft conjurer of America’s racial demons. James derided Booker as a suburban outsider and questioned his blackness. (“You have to learn how to be African-American,” James said in a speech directed at Booker, “and we don’t have time to train you.”) Booker famously took up residence in a city housing project, but his relationship to Newark’s black community was, and still is, more tenuous and complicated than his predecessor’s.

When I asked Booker if he considered himself a leader of the black community, he seemed to freeze for a moment. “I’m Popeye,” he replied finally. “I am what I am.” He paused again, then tried to explain.

“I don’t want to be pigeonholed,” he said. “I don’t want people to expect me to speak about those issues.” By this, presumably, he meant issues that revolve around race: profiling by police, incarceration rates, flagging urban economies. “I want people to ask me about nonproliferation. I want them to run to me to speak about the situation in the Middle East.” Since the mayor of Newark is rarely called upon to discuss such topics, I got the feeling that Booker does not see himself staying in his current job for anything close to 20 years. “I don’t want to be the person that’s turned to when CNN talks about black leaders,” he said.

Even so, Booker told me that his goal wasn’t really to “transcend race.” Rather, he says that for his generation of black politicians it’s all right to show the part of themselves that is culturally black — to play basketball with friends and belong to a black church, the way Obama has. There is a universality now to the middle-class black experience, he told me, that should be instantly recognizable to Jews or Italians or any other white ethnic bloc that has struggled to assimilate. And that means, at least theoretically, that a black politician shouldn’t have to obscure his racial identity.

“So Obama’s the first one out there on the ice,” Booker told me. “This campaign is giving other African-Americans like myself the courage to be themselves.”

Given this generational perspective, it is easy to understand why Obama’s candidacy was greeted coolly by much of Washington’s black elite. Obama joined the Congressional Black Caucus when he arrived in 2005, but he attended meetings only sporadically, and it must have been obvious that he never felt he belonged. In part, this was probably because he was the group’s only senator and thus had little daily interaction with his colleagues in the House. But to hear those close to Obama tell it, it was also because, like Booker and other younger black politicians, he simply wasn’t comfortable categorizing his politics by race. One main function of the black caucus is to raise money through events, because many of the members represent poorer districts. Obama, already a best-selling author by the time he was sworn in, should have been a huge fund-raising draw, but he never showed much interest in headlining caucus events, and he was rarely asked.

Jesse Jackson Jr. warned his colleagues in the black caucus of the risks of shunning Obama’s candidacy, reminding them of the political aftermath of Jesse Jackson Sr.’s campaigns in the 1980s. Back then, too, most black Congressional Democrats sided with the white presidential candidates, and Jackson carried many of their districts in 1984 and virtually all of them in 1988, driving up voter registration in the process. A result, over the next few election cycles, was a flurry of primary challenges, the retirement or defeat of several incumbents and the arrival in Washington of a new class of black congressmen, including James Clyburn. Jackson’s message was clear: even if Obama lost, there could be a cost for opposing him.

Still, most in the caucus didn’t take Obama all that seriously as a potential nominee, and neither did the Clinton campaign. They calculated that he would need a huge share of black votes to wrest the nomination from Hillary, and her advisers, white and black, considered that a near impossibility. “There was an arrogance and a complete dismissiveness in our campaign against Obama, that he was a lightweight, that he couldn’t get black support,” one senior Clinton aide told me recently. “A lot of the black leaders didn’t know him, didn’t think he was black enough, didn’t think he was of the civil rights movement.” This point about whether Obama was “black enough,” a senseless distinction to most white voters, came up often in my discussions. It referred to the perception among some black leaders that not only had Obama not shared their generational experience, but also that he hadn’t shared the African-American experience, period. Obama’s father was a Kenyan academic; his family came to America on scholarship, not in chains.

Internally, Clinton’s strategists set a goal of receiving half the black vote in the Southern primaries, though they calculated that they needed as little as 30 percent in order to beat back Obama. It seemed like a sure bet. Last fall, as the primaries neared, their own polls had them winning more than 60 percent of black voters.

Within hours of Obama’s victory in Iowa, however, Clinton’s black support began to crumble. Black voters, young and old, simply hadn’t believed that a black man could win in white states; when he did, a wave of pride swept through African-American neighborhoods in the South. Nor did those voters apparently have the deep affection for Hillary Clinton that many of their ministers and local pols did. Carol Willis, a Clinton aide from the Arkansas days who was leading the campaign’s outreach to black voters, told me, “I always heard people saying: ‘I know Bill Clinton. I don’t know Hillary Clinton. So I’ll give Barack Obama a closer hearing.’ ” Internal polling in both campaigns after Iowa showed Obama suddenly garnering closer to 75 or 80 percent of the black vote in primary states.

From then on, the Democratic nomination fight sometimes took on the feel of one of those contentious diversity workshops, with every word parsed for its racial undertone and every emotion rising to the surface. What did Bill Clinton mean by “naïve” and “fairy tale”? Was it an accident that Hillary Clinton used the word “spadework” to deride her opponent’s record? Clyburn and Bill Clinton had long and tense phone conversations because of several comments the former president had made. The one that bothered Clyburn the most, he told me, came when he read in a South Carolina newspaper that Clinton had referred to Obama as a “kid.” “I grew up in the South, where men like Barack Obama, who right now is older than Bill Clinton was when he ran for president, were called ‘boy,’ ” Clyburn told me. “And that’s what a kid is — a boy.” The most damaging moment for Bill Clinton, though, came just after the South Carolina primary, when he waved away the victory by comparing it with Jesse Jackson’s wins there in 1984 and 1988. “There was something about the condescension on his face when he said it and the dismissiveness in his voice,” Artur Davis recalled. “It was a verbal pat on the head.”

In March, shaken by the persistent controversy over comments pulled from the sermons of the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, an icon in Chicago’s black community and Obama’s former pastor, Obama gave his now famous speech on race. It was aimed, for the most part, at reassuring white voters over the Wright controversy, but it also marked the first time that he publicly addressed the generational divide his own campaign had exposed among black Americans. “For the men and women of Reverend Wright’s generation,” Obama said, “the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away, nor has the anger and bitterness of those years. . . . At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines or to make up for a politician’s own failings.” Some older black politicians may have recognized themselves in Obama’s subtle criticism, but those I spoke to said they took pride in seeing a black candidate articulate their experience to white America.

A lot of black incumbents who supported Clinton now find themselves trying to explain how they ended up so disconnected from their constituents, and many are preparing for their strongest primary challenges in years. (In a primary last month, John Lewis, who had run unopposed since 1992, had to beat not one but two primary opponents, including a 31-year-old minister named Markel Hutchins who designed his campaign to look just like Obama’s, right down to renting the same office space and using a red, white and blue logo in the shape of an “O.”) So far, incumbents facing insurrection over their endorsements of Clinton have easily dispatched their challengers, leading to a collective exhalation inside the black caucus in Washington. But then, as Jesse Jackson Jr. tried to remind his colleagues, the history of black politics is that such challengers are often heard from again.

On the first Tuesday in July, I traveled to Philadelphia, the site of Obama’s landmark speech on race, to see the city’s mayor, Michael Nutter. Known as a reformer during a 14-year stint on the City Council, Nutter played a central and intriguing role in this year’s presidential contest, emerging as the black face of Hillary Clinton’s campaign in Pennsylvania at a time when she desperately needed — and got — a solid victory in the state. Nutter certainly wasn’t the only visible black politician to campaign for Clinton deep into the primary season, but he was, in some ways, the least likely. Nutter is only four years older than Obama, Ivy League-educated, bookish and doggedly unemotional. He is, in short, the very prototype of the new generation of black political stars. But unlike Cory Booker or Artur Davis or Deval Patrick, the governor of Massachusetts, Nutter sided with Clinton, and he enthusiastically campaigned for her.

I was curious to know whether Nutter, who was elected to a four-year term just last fall, was bracing for the consequences of that decision. About 9 of every 10 black voters in Philadelphia pulled the lever for Obama, according to exit polls, and I heard at least one black Obama backer in Washington vow to make Nutter pay for his apostasy. On the day that I visited him at City Hall, his aides had been reviewing the video of a sermon from last fall in which a prominent black minister in the city suggested that Nutter might have a “white agenda.”

It was late in the day when Nutter and I sat down at a long conference table in his office, accompanied by the sounds of subway trains rumbling underneath and R & B music piped in from mounted speakers. He told me that he had made his decision methodically and had felt no pressure at all from his constituents.

Nutter said he sat down with both Clinton and Obama after his election as mayor and quizzed them about urban issues like housing, education and transportation. Race, he said, hadn’t entered into this thinking. He understood, he said, why the prospect of a black president after hundreds of years of discrimination was “powerful stuff” for a lot of his constituents, but he had a greater responsibility, and that was to run the nation’s sixth-largest city. “In the context of what I do for a living, I’ve not figured out a black or white way to fill a pothole,” he said, in a way that made me think he had said this many times before. Nutter was a delegate for Bill Clinton way back in 1992, and he said that the former first lady had shown a “depth of understanding” of what cities like Philadelphia were facing. It probably didn’t hurt that Obama endorsed one of Nutter’s opponents in last year’s mayoral primary, either.

Nutter said he wasn’t bothered by comments that the Clintons or their surrogates made during the campaign that had so incensed other black officials. “I think there was a lot of sensitivity, some warranted and some unwarranted,” he said. “It’s based on your life experience, and it’s generational. You know, if you have a sore on your arm, you don’t necessarily have to touch the sore to feel the pain. You can touch another part of your arm. You’ve still got a certain sensitivity to it. So if race is the sensitive thing, then anything that even gets close to it — sounds like it, looks like it, feels like it — is it.”

I asked Nutter if, during his private conversations with Obama early in the campaign, the subject of race and the historic nature of his candidacy came up. He stared at me for a moment. “Um, I knew he was black,” he said finally. “I’d really kind of picked up on that.”

Later, when I mentioned that it could be hard for a white journalist to understand all of the nuances of race, he looked over at his press secretary, who is black, and interrupted me. “He’s not black?” Nutter deadpanned, motioning back at me. “You guys told me it was a skin condition. I thought I was talking to a brother.” Nutter is known to have a dry sense of humor, but I also had the sense that he was tweaking me in these moments, watching with some amusement as I tried to navigate subjects that white and black Americans rarely discuss together. He seemed to think I was oddly preoccupied with race.

In fact, Nutter seemed puzzled by the very notion that he should be expected to support a candidate just because they both had dark skin. “Look, I never asked anybody to be for me because I was black,” he said. “I asked people to be for me because I thought I was the best candidate when I ran for City Council and when I ran for mayor. I’m proud of the votes I received. I’m proud I received the votes of the majority of the African-American community and the majority of the vote from the white community. But I never asked anybody to give me anything because I was black. I asked people to give me a chance because I thought I was the best.”

For most black Americans, Obama’s candidacy represented a kind of racial milestone, the natural next phase of a 50-year movement. But for Michael Nutter, the reverse was also true: not supporting Obama’s candidacy marked a kind of progress, too. The movement, after all, was about the freedom to choose your own candidate, white or black. In a sense, you could argue that it was Nutter — and not those black politicians who embraced Obama because they so closely identified with his racial experience — who represented the truest embodiment of Obama-ism. Here, perhaps, was a genuine postracial politician, even if that meant being, as John Lewis put it, on the wrong side of history.

I asked Nutter if he found it insulting to have me come barging into his office, demanding to know why he didn’t pick the black guy.

“It’s not insulting,” he answered. “It’s presumptuous. It demonstrates a continuation of this notion that the African-American community, unlike any other, is completely monolithic, that everyone in the African-American community does the same thing in lockstep, in contrast to any other group. I mean, I don’t remember seeing John Kerry on TV and anybody saying to him, ‘I can’t believe you’re not for Hillary Clinton.’ Why?”

It’s inspiring to hear Michael Nutter say that governing a city isn’t about race, that there’s no black or white way to fill a pothole. And yet, it’s also true that in any given American city there are likely to be more potholes in black neighborhoods than in white ones — along with more violence, more unemployment and more illiteracy. Having grown up in West Philadelphia, Nutter knows well that while the decisions he makes as a mayor have no racial antecedents, rarely do they affect the races equally. “The challenge there is never forgetting where you came from,” he told me. “So, yes, I am mayor of all Philadelphia, but I am quite well aware of, and raise on a regular basis, the fact that the majority of people who are killed in Philadelphia are African-American, that the overwhelming majority of people who have health-care challenges are African-American, that education has tremendous disparity gaps. Unemployment, incarceration, poverty, homelessness, housing — all affect the African-American community at a disproportionate level as opposed to everyone else.”

In this way, post-Black Power politicians like Nutter and Booker embody the principal duality of modern black America. On one hand, they are the most visible examples of the highly educated, entrepreneurial and growing black middle class that cultural markers like “The Cosby Show” first introduced to white Americans in the 1980s. According to an analysis by Pew’s Economic Mobility Project, almost 37 percent of black families fell into one of the three top income quintiles in 2005, compared with 23 percent in 1973. At the same time, though, these black leaders are constantly confronted in their own cities and districts by blighted neighborhoods that are predominately black, places where poverty collects like standing water, breeding a host of social contagions.

That both of these trend lines can exist at once poses some difficult questions for black leaders and institutions. Back in the heyday of the civil rights movement, the evils and objectives were relatively clear: there were discriminatory laws in place that denied black Americans their rights as citizens, and the goal was to get those laws repealed and to pass more progressive federal legislation at the same time. You marched and you rallied and — if you had the bravery of a James Clyburn or a John Lewis — you endured blows to the head and to the spirit, and eventually the barriers started to fall. Things become more complicated, and more confounding, however, when those legal barriers no longer exist and when millions of black Americans are catapulting themselves to success. Now the inequities in the society are subtler — inferior schools, an absence of employers, a dearth of affordable housing — and the remedies more elusive.

This confusion over the direction of the movement has all but immobilized the nation’s premier civil rights group, the N.A.A.C.P. Synonymous with the long journey toward racial equality since its founding by W. E. B. Du Bois and others in 1909, the organization has, in recent years, lost much of its cachet with younger black Americans. In 2005, the N.A.A.C.P.’s unwieldy 64-member board hired Bruce Gordon, a former Verizon executive, to retool the organization. Gordon’s premise was that civil rights was no longer simply about protesting discrimination — that African-Americans were now stymied not only by institutional barriers but also by conditions in their communities. He proposed that a new N.A.A.C.P step into this breach, organizing services that might include SAT prep classes or training for new parents. He also created a new class of online members who didn’t have to pay any dues, adding more than 100,000 members to a group whose paying membership had declined, in Gordon’s estimate, to under 300,000.

Gordon’s agenda was always controversial among the N.A.A.C.P.’s board members (“Most of them are older than me,” the 62-year-old Gordon told me), and after a little more than 19 months in the job, Gordon resigned. In May, after a highly contentious process that divided the board once again, the N.A.A.C.P. hired the youngest president in its history, 35-year-old Benjamin Todd Jealous, the chosen candidate of Julian Bond, the civil rights leader and the N.A.A.C.P.’s board chairman.

You might expect Jealous, a native of mostly white Monterey County, Calif., and a Rhodes scholar, to have shared the racial experience of other emerging black leaders. But generational lines are rarely that neatly drawn, and when we met for breakfast on Independence Day, I was surprised to find that Jealous spoke about race not like Booker or Nutter but much like his heroes of an earlier era. The N.A.A.C.P.’s main job, he told me, was to be the place where African-Americans could turn when institutional racism assaulted their communities. He mentioned the racially charged arrests of six black teenagers in Jena, La., in 2006, as well as the suspicious death, just a few days earlier, of an accused cop killer in his suburban Maryland jail cell.

“It’s still a human rights struggle,” Jealous told me. “This isn’t a struggle that began in the 1930s or 1960s. It’s a struggle that began in 1620. It’s a struggle against slavery and its children.”

Jealous’s main difficulty in rejuvenating the N.A.A.C.P., though, may have less to do with the racist power structure than with a new class of black competitors online. And in this way, what’s happening among the black grass roots mirrors what’s been happening in the Democratic Party over the last several years, as loyalty to institutions and leaders has given way to a noisy conversation about how to better hold them accountable. A new generation of black activists is now focused on reforming institutions, namely the Congressional Black Caucus and the N.A.A.C.P., that they say have become too mired in the past and too removed from their constituents. And as in the rest of the political world, this rebellion is happening on the Internet, driven by ordinary Americans with laptops and a surprising amount of free time.

“The African-American voting population is very much online,” Cheryl Contee, who in 2006 helped found the blog Jack and Jill Politics, told me. Contee, who is an owner of a digital consulting business, blogs under the pseudonym Jill Tubman, and hers is one of a number of sites that have emerged in just the last year as part of what’s often called the “Afrosphere.” “One of the things I talk to clients about is that the digital divide has changed,” Contee said. “It’s no longer along racial lines like it was in 1996 and 2000. Now it’s more economic and educational.” In other words, after lagging for a time, college-educated African-Americans are now organizing online in the same way as their mostly white counterparts at Daily Kos and MoveOn.org started doing several years ago.

One of most vibrant voices in this debate belongs to Color of Change, a Web site designed to replicate the MoveOn model among black Web surfers. Two Bay Area activists, Van Jones and James Rucker, founded Color of Change in 2005, a week after the images of devastated black neighborhoods began streaming back from New Orleans. The group now boasts about 425,000 members, about half of whom are white. The bulk of the membership is between the ages of 35 and 55 and probably falls into the categories of middle class or affluent — in other words, the very people who were once the N.A.A.C.P.’s base of support. Those members pay no dues but contributed about $250,000 during a three-month period in 2007 to pay the legal fees of the defendants in Jena.

As in the liberal online community at large, there is not a lot of ideological coherence among the emerging “black roots.” There is no clear action plan for how to bridge the divide between middle-class black families and the millions left behind, aside from the same basic antiwar, anticorporate ethos that permeates the rest of the digital left. But there is a strong sense that the leaders of the civil rights generation need some kind of retirement plan, and soon. “Victims don’t make things happen,” says Rucker, who previously worked for MoveOn. “Things are changing from where they were 30 years ago. The fights are changing. And you have an infrastructure that’s not producing results. Look at the incarceration rates, the difference between whites and blacks. What are the old organizations accomplishing?”

Most of all, the black roots make it clear to elected officials and civil rights advocates that being black doesn’t, by itself, make you a leader. Online activists have attacked the Congressional Black Caucus for, among other things, standing by William Jefferson, the black representative accused of stuffing a freezer with cash bribes. They have harshly criticized several caucus members, some for having endorsed Clinton and others, like Artur Davis, for not being sufficiently liberal. Some bloggers went after the Rev. Al Sharpton and the N.A.A.C.P. for reflexively coming to the defense of four black teenagers in West Palm Beach who were charged with taking part in an unusually horrific rape of a mother and her 12-year-old son. (Sharpton and the local N.A.A.C.P. claimed that the boys were being treated differently from accused white rapists in a separate case, who were freed on bail.) Color of Change claims to have raised more than $10,000 and some 50 volunteers for Donna Edwards’s successful Web-supported primary campaign against Representative Albert Wynn, a black incumbent who voted for the Iraq war.

“There are some members who need to go or to update and be accountable,” Rucker told me. “It’s not about getting rid of the N.A.A.C.P. or our members of Congress. It’s just wanting to be proud of our leaders.”

For some black operatives in the Clinton orbit — people who have functioned, going back to Jesse Jackson’s campaigns in the 1980s, as Democratic Washington’s liaisons to black America — the fallout from an Obama victory would likely be profound. “Some of them will have to walk the plank,” an Obama adviser told me bluntly. In their place, an Obama administration would empower a cadre of younger black advisers who would instantly become people to see in Washington’s transactional culture. Chief among them is Valerie Jarrett, a Chicago real estate developer who is one of Barack and Michelle Obama’s closest friends. “She’s poised to be one of the most influential people in politics, and particularly among African-Americans in politics,” Belcher told me. “She may be the next Vernon Jordan.” In fact, the last time I saw Clyburn, he told me he had just spent two and a half hours at breakfast with Jarrett.

Then there are operatives like Belcher himself; Michael Strautmanis, Obama’s former chief counsel and de facto younger brother, who first met Michelle Obama when he was working as a paralegal at her law firm; Matthew Nugen, a political aide who is Obama’s point man for the Democratic convention; and Paul Brathwaite, a 37-year-old lobbyist who used to be the executive director of the black caucus and who might act as a bridge between black congressmen and an Obama White House.

Should they win in November, Obama and these new advisers will confront an unfamiliar conundrum in American politics, which is how to be president of the United States and, by default, the most powerful voice in black America at the same time. Several black operatives and politicians with whom I spoke worried, eloquently, that an Obama presidency might actually leave black Americans less well represented in Washington rather than more so — that, in fact, the end of black politics, if that is what we are witnessing, might also mean the precipitous decline of black influence.

The argument here is that a President Obama, closely watched for signs of parochialism or racial resentment, would have less maneuvering room to champion spending on the urban poor, say, or to challenge racial injustice. What’s more, his very presence in the Rose Garden might undermine the already tenuous case for affirmative action in hiring and school admissions. Obama himself has offered only tepid support for a policy that surely helped enable him to reach this moment. In “The Audacity of Hope,” he wrote: “Even as we continue to defend affirmative action as a useful, if limited, tool to expand opportunity to underrepresented minorities, we should consider spending a lot more of our political capital convincing America to make investments needed to ensure that all children perform at grade level and graduate from high school — a goal that, if met, would do more than affirmative action to help those black and Latino children who need it the most.”

Then there are the issues that Ben Jealous and others might raise: black men incarcerated at more than six times the rate of white men, black joblessness more than twice as high as the rate for white Americans. Just talking about such disparities as systemic problems could be harder for an African-American president — for any African-American, really — than it was before. “If Obama is president, it will no longer be tenable to go to the white community and say you’ve been victimized,” Artur Davis told me. “And I understand the poverty and the condition of black America and the 39 percent unemployment rate in some communities. I understand that. But if you go out to the country and say you’ve been victimized by the white community, while Barack Obama and Michelle and their kids are living in the White House, you will be shut off from having any influence.”

As a candidate, Obama has outlined an agenda for “civil rights and criminal justice,” aimed primarily at urban African-Americans. His platform includes refocusing the Justice Department on hate crimes, banning racial profiling by federal law-enforcement agencies and reforming mandatory minimum sentences (which disproportionately affect black men, especially those convicted on crack-cocaine charges). Obama’s black advisers caution, however, that no one should expect him to behave like a civil rights leader, marching alongside Al Sharpton to protest the next Jena or putting black causes ahead of anyone else’s. “It’s a very interesting question, but as a black person, you should feel confident that he will focus on your injustices and know that all the other injustices in other communities affect you too,” Valerie Jarrett told me. “There have been wounds in all the communities, not just in the black community. There are plenty of wounds to go around.”

If there is any American who can offer a glimpse of what it would be like for Obama as president, it’s probably Gov. Deval Patrick of Massachusetts. While most of the younger black politicians know one another only from the occasional encounter or phone call, Patrick and Obama shared a cup of coffee, at the suggestion of a mutual friend, in the mid-1990s and developed a close friendship. (The senator even borrowed some of Patrick’s oratory during the primaries, which led the Clinton camp to charge plagiarism.) Patrick was Coca-Cola’s general counsel and the assistant attorney general for civil rights in the Clinton administration before he became, in 2006, only the second black man to be elected governor in American history, following L. Douglas Wilder in Virginia in 1989.

When we talked recently, Patrick explained for me some of the inherent pressures that come with being a black executive in a state with a history of friction among the races. “You’re constantly tested by a whole host of factors to see whether you’re speaking for the entire Commonwealth or just for one community,” Patrick told me. “I don’t fit in any box, and I think that’s what the electorate has had to learn about me.”

Black ministers were slow to embrace Patrick after he supported gay marriage as a candidate and refused to back down. After a black child was shot and killed in Boston last year, Patrick told me, he sent a note to the family and prepared to attend the funeral service, but relatives held a news conference at which they criticized him for not coming by to pay his respects. (Patrick later grew close to the family.) I remarked that it was usually the city’s mayor who was expected to comfort victims of urban crime.

“Yes, but it’s not good enough for me to have the reaction that you just did, to say I’m the governor, not the mayor,” Patrick told me. “They expect more.” In other words, he was expected not only to be a governor but also to fill the traditional role of the black politician — that of spokesman, minister and conduit to the white establishment.

Patrick and I spoke just a week after Jesse Jackson was caught wishing Obama bodily harm. “You wouldn’t believe how many times in the last few days people have stuck microphones in my face to ask my opinion about Jesse Jackson’s comments,” he said, sounding a little exasperated. He had declined to offer one. “I don’t have to be the black oracle,” Patrick told me. “All I have to be is as good a human being and as good a governor as I can be, and the rest will take care of itself.” If Obama’s day comes, he might want to think about borrowing those words too.

Matt Bai, who covers politics for the magazine, is the author of “The Argument: Inside the Battle to Remake Democratic Politics.”

For Comparisons Of Barack To Historical Black Figures Check Out The Following On W.E. A.L.L. B.E. News & Radio:

Acceptable Blackness Vs. Unforgivable Blackness...

http://weallbe.blogspot.com/2008/06/acceptable-blackness-vs-unforgivable.html


Barack Hussein Obama Ain't No Adam Clayton Powell Jr.!!!
http://weallbe.blogspot.com/2007/05/barack-hussein-obama-aint-no-adam.html

Tha Artstorian Ponders:Is Barack Obama The Sam Cooke of American Politics???
http://weallbe.blogspot.com/2008/02/tha-artstorian-pondersis-barack-obama.html


More Related Coverage On W.E. A.L.L. B.E. News & Radio:

If Fox News Gave Cindy McCain The Michelle Obama Treatment…Thoughts Of An Outraged Negro…
http://weallbe.blogspot.com/2008/07/if-fox-news-gave-cindy-mccain-michelle.html


Why Obama Did The Wright Thing And How Rev. Wright’s Selfless Sacrifice Saved The Obama Presidency…


The Hypocrisy Of The Media…Min. Farrakhan Was A Guest Of Honor For Key Pa. Hillary Supporter!!!



W.E. A.L.L. B.E. News & Radio Special: Black Liberation Theology 101:
http://www.blogtalkradio.com/weallbe/2008/03/23/Tha-Artivist-PresentsWE-ALL-BE-Radio


The Rev. Wright Controversy Told Through Video Media:
http://weallbe.blogspot.com/2008/03/rev-wright-controversy-told-through.html


W.E. A.L.L. B.E. News & Radio Special: Barack Obama & The Hip Hop Effect On American Politics:
http://www.blogtalkradio.com/weallbe/2008/02/10/Tha-Artivist-PresentsWE-ALL-BE-Radio


W.E. A.L.L. B.E. News & Radio Special~Eyewitness To The Crucifixion: The Last Days Of MLK:
http://www.blogtalkradio.com/weallbe/2008/04/07/Tha-Artivist-PresentsWE-ALL-BE-News-Radio-1


~~~~~~

Get Your Barack
Obama "A Legacy Of Hope" T-Shirt Today!!!



http://weallbe.blogspot.com/2008/04/barack-obama-legacy-of-hope-t-shirts.htm

Thursday, June 19, 2008

WHY I DEFACED THE STATUE OF TUPAC SHAKUR!!! By KENNETH ANTHONY WILSON...




9 YEAR OLD ANNIJAH IS

WHY I DEFACED THE STATUE OF TUPAC SHAKUR!!!

by



KENNETH ANTHONY WILSON

(writer, artist, dj & Supa-hero)


aka


DJ LUVSXI

(myspace.com/luvsxi)


aka


MICHAEL THE ARCHANGEL

(alter-ego)


MESSAGE TO THUGLIFEARMY.COM

(FROM MICHAEL THE ARCHANGEL)


I'VE READ ALL THE IGNORANT RANTS OF ALL THE FOOLS IN YOUR CHAT ROOM ON

WHY I DEFACED THE STATUE OF TUPAC SHAKUR,

ONE FOOL EVEN HAD THE NERVE TO SAY

THAT GOD IS GOING TO PUNISH WHO EVER DID THIS TO HER MESSIAH TUPAC SHAKUR.

WELL FOOLS…

LET THE JUDGMENT BEGIN!!!


THUGLIFEARMY.COM YOU PUT THE CRACK IN BLACK

(YOU CRACK HEADS)


I NOW WONDER IF THUG LIFE ARMY.COM HAS THE BALLS TO PRINT MY SIDE OF THE STORY, NO MATTER HOW MUCH THEY MIGHT NOT LIKE WHAT I HAVE TO SAY ABOUT THEM AND THEIR KING OF FOOLS TUPAC SHAKUR.

AND THEN LET THE CHAT ROOM BUZZ…

THINK ABOUT THE HITS…CNN…


TIME FOR A REVOLUTION OF THE MIND AND SOUL


YES, I AM WILLING TO GIVE YOU IGNORANT FOOLS AT THUGLIFEARMY.COM AN EXCLUSIVE EXPOSÉ WITH THE SUPER-HERO WHO PISSED ON THE STATUE OF YOUR MESSIAH. WHO TOOK A PEAR OF HIS DIRTY UNDERWEAR AND DREW A CROWN ON IT WITH THE WRITING "A CROWN FIT FOR A KING OF FOOLS."


THIS IS MY WAY OF DECLARING AN INTELLECTUAL AND ARTISTIC WAR AGAINST THE GANSTA RAP COMMUNITY…


YOU PUNK ASS BITCHES ARE GOING DOWN.

DO YOU KNOW WHY YOU FOOLS LIKE YOU WEAR YOUR PANTS HANGING OFF YOUR ASSES?

DOES JAIL HOUSE BITCHES COME TO MIND?

SEE YOU FOOLS AT THUGLIFEARMY.COM AND THE GANGSTA RAP COMMUNITY

ARE NOT LIVING IN THE REAL WORLD OR REALITY…

HOW LONG DO YOU THINK THE ENTIRE COMMUNITY AND COUNTRY

IS GOING TO JUST SIT BY AND WATCH YOU GOOD FOR NOTHING

MURDERING ASSHOLES DESTROY OUR COUNTRY

WITH YOUR BULLSHIT LIFE STYLE OF NIGGAZ, BITCHES, HOES

WHICH IS EXACTLY WHAT YOU ASSHOLES ARE?


I HAVE A DREAM, NO NOT THIS DREAM


THERE IS NOT ONE MAN IN THE ENTIRE COURSE OF HUMAN HISTORY

WHO WAS OF ANY WORTH TO MANKIND, WHO WOULD THINK IT WAS KOOL

TO WEAR HIS PANTS BELOW HIS ASS.


MARTIN LUTHER KING DID NOT WEAR HIS PANTS BELOW HIS ASS

AND IF HE DID DURING HIS I HAVE A DREAM SPEECH,

WHAT A SITE THAT WOULD HAVE BEEN.


YES I DEFACED THE STATUE OF TUPAC SHAKUR BECAUSE THE CENTER

IS A CANCER ON THE COMMUNITY,

FOR WE REAP WHAT WE SOW…


WELCOME TO DEATH ROW WHERE IGNORANT

AND DUMB-ASS NIGGAZ, BITCHES & HOES GROWS TO GOES.

TUPAC SHAKUR IS NO MESSIAH THAT'S WHY WHEN HE STUCK HIS DUMBASS

ON HIS ALBUM COVER AND CLAIMED HE WAS NOT DISRESPECTING JESUS CHRIST…

GOD CRUCIFIED HIS EVIL ASS BEFORE THE ALBUM CAME OUT.


AND IS IT ANY COINCIDENCE THAT THE LOCATION OF THE CENTER IS 5616 MEMORIAL DR. EXIT 41 OFF I-285.


5616 = 5+1/66 = 666 = MARK OF THE BEAST = HOUSE OF THE DEVIL


MEMORIAL = WORSHIPPING OF A FALSE IDOL


EXIT 41 = APRIL 1ST = APRIL FOOLS = TO BE DECEIVED = KING OF FOOLS

I-285 = PROVERBS 28:5


PROVERBS 28:5


EVIL MEN UNDERSTAND NOT JUDGMENT: BUT THEY THAT SEEK THE LORD UNDERSTANDING ALL THINGS.


TUPAC SHAKUR WAS NOT ONLY A RAPIST AND MURDERER OF HIS OWN PEOPLE,

HIS CENTER OF THE ARTS IS IN THE BUSINESS OF MOLESTING THE YOUNG

MINDS OF OUR YOUTHS INTO BELIEVING THAT THUGLIFE IS THE AMERICAN DREAM.

AND SO, SO MANY YOUNG PEOPLE ARE NOW BACK IN SHACKLES AND JAIL,

BECAUSE OF THIS BULLSHIT LIFE STYLE THUGLIFEARMY.COM

AND THE TUPAC SHAKUR CENTER IS PUSHING ON OUR YOUTHS.


WOLVES IN SHEEP CLOTHING


I HAVE EVERY INTENTION OF PROVING IN A COURT OF LAW

NOT ONLY THE HYPOCRISY OF THE TUPAC SHAKUR CENTER,

BUT ALSO ITS IMMORALITY, INJUSTICE AND ILLEGALITY.

THAT'S RIGHT THE TUPAC SHAKUR CENTER IS AS ILLEGAL AS

SOMEONE OPENING A PORN SHOP FOR CHILDREN WITH

THE EMPLOYEES DRESSED AS PRIESTS AND NUNS.


BIBLE LESSON


AND SINCE AFENA SHAKUR INSIST ON LYING TO THE YOUTH

AT HER CENTER THAT HER SON IS THE MESSIAH AND HE DIED FOR THE SAKE OF THEM…

SO SHE RESURRECT A STATUE OF TUPAC SHAKUR DRESSED AS A REVEREND

WITH THE HOLY BIBLE IN HIS RIGHT HAND…

I THOUGHT IT ONLY FAIR TO SUBPOENA HER AND GIVE HER A BIBLE LESSON.


CRACK IS THE NEW BLACK?


YOU DO NOT HAVE A CRACK HEAD OPEN A CENTER FOR CHILDREN…

SHE DID A LOUSY ENOUGH JOB WITH TUPAC AND HE REAPED WHAT SHE SOWED…

NOW SHE IS READY TO WHITEWASH HISTORY AND WITH IT DESTROY

MANY YOUNG LIVES ALL IN THE NAME OF THUGLIFE.

DEATH ROW RECORDS DID NOT DESTROY TUPAC SHAKUR…

SMOKING CRACK WHEN HE WAS IN HER WOMB DID!

TUPAC SHAKUR WAS NOT ONLY WEAK HE WAS A COMPLETE FOOL

WHO NEVER FOR ONE MINUTE PRACTICED WHAT HE PREACHED.


CAPUT


The reason why I wrote caput on the cross I hung around

the statue of Tupac Shakur's neck was because the word in

German means out of order, broken, not working which is exactly

where tupac shakur is right now…and if you fools at thuglifearmy.com

had one ounce of common sense between your ears

you would have realized that the word caput is tupac backwards.

I also wrote on the cross "KING OF FOOLS" for Tupac Shakur

was and is the Messiah of Fools and the only resurrection

of your Messiah that will be taking place is the

ass kicking I'm going hand him in a Court of Law.

BY THE WAY I WILL BE PLEADING NOT GUILTY ON MY NEXT COURT DATE.


REVELATION 12:7


And there was war in heaven:

Michael and his angels fought against the dragon;

and the dragon fought and his angels,


MICHAEL = DJ LUVSXI = KENNETH ANTHONY WILSON


DRAGON & HIS ANGELS = THUGLIFE


VERSE 12:7 = 1+7/2 = 82 = 8:11 REVELATION = THE CURSE OF WORMWOOD


IT IS 12-7-1941 AND THE JAPANESE HAVE JUST BOMBED PEARL HARBOR IN A SNEAK ATTACK.


YEAR 41 = APRIL FOOLS = FALSE SENSE OF SECURITY


THE CURSE OF DEFECATING JAM RECORDS


And is it any coincidence that New York City is the home

of Def Jam Records and 9-11-2001 was its Karma?


THE CURSE OF MASTER


New Orleans is the home of Master P

and GOD pissed allover New Orleans?

Care to see the next US City that will be destroyed because of Thuglife's Shit Karma?

THUG CAPITAL USA, CITY OF ATLANTA


REVELATION 13:18

(MARK OF THE BEAST)


Here is wisdom. Let him that hath understanding count the number of the beast:

for it is the number of a man; and his number is Six hundred threescore and six.


1+3+1+8 = 13 = BADLUCK


13+18 = 31 = 13 = BADLUCK


VERSE 13:18 = 1+8/13 = MONTH & DAY 9:13


THE CURSE OF TUPAC SHAKUR


IT IS 6-16-1971 AND TUPAC SHAKUR IS BORN.


JEREMIAH 6:16

(THUGLIFE)


Thus saith the LORD, Stand ye in the ways, and see,

and ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein,

and ye shall find rest for your souls. But they said, We will not walk therein.


DANIEL 6:16

(TUPAC SHAKUR IN THE LIONS DEN)


Then the king commanded, and they brought Daniel, and cast him into the den of lions.


Now the king spake and said unto Daniel,

Thy God whom thou servest continually, he will deliver thee.


REVELATION 6:16

(THE CURSE OF TUPAC SHAKUR)


And said to the mountains and rocks, Fall on us,

and hide us from the face of him that sitteth on the throne,

and from the wrath of the Lamb:


IT IS 9-13-1996 AND TUPAC SHAKUR IS DEAD.


JEREMIAH 9:13

(THE CURSE OF TUPAC SHAKUR)


And the LORD saith, Because they have forsaken my law which I set before them,

and have not obeyed my voice, neither walked therein;


THE CURSE OF DEATH ROW RECORDS

IT IS 9-14-1965 AND HEAD OF DEATH ROW RECORDS SUGE KNIGHT IS BORN.


JEREMIAH 9:14

(YOU REAP WHAT YOU SOW…WELCOME TO DEATH ROW)


But have walked after the imagination of their own heart,

and after Baalim, which their fathers taught them:


imagination of their own heart = APRIL FOOLS


VERSE 9:14 = 9+1+4 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS


JEREMIAH 9:15

(MESSAGE FROM GOD TO THUGLIFE USA AND THE CITY OF ATLANTA)


Therefore thus saith the LORD of hosts, the God of Israel;

Behold, I will feed them, even this people,

with wormwood, and give them water of gall to drink.


VERSE 9:15 = 9+5/1 = 141 = 411 INFORMATION = MESSAGE FROM GOD


Wormwood = PROPHECY OF WORMWOOD


water of gall to drink = GEORGIA'S DROUGHT


GEORGIA'S DROUGHT IS THE KARMA OF WORSHIPPING A KING OF FOOLS

(DON'T BE A KING OF FOOLS)


IT IS 11-17-1955 AND YOLANDA KING IS BORN.


DEUTERONOMY 11:17

(GEORGIA'S DROUGHT)


And then the LORD'S wrath be kindled against you, and he shut up the heaven,

that there be no rain, and that the land yield not her fruit;

and lest ye perish quickly from off the good land which the LORD giveth you.


JEREMIAH 11:17

(THE KARMA OF TUPAC SHAKUR IS THE CURSE OF WORMWOOD)


For the LORD of hosts, that planted thee, hath pronounced evil against thee,

for the evil of the house of Israel and of the house of Judah,

which they have done against themselves to

provoke me to anger in offering incense unto Baal.


VERSE 11:17 = 11/1+7 = 118 = 811 = CURSE OF WORMWOOD


REVELATION 8:11


And the name of the star is called Wormwood:

and the third part of the waters became wormwood;

and many men died of the waters,

because they were made bitter.


WORMWOOD = WORMWOOD = WMD = WEAPON OF MASS DESTRUCTION


STAR = NUCLEAR DETONATION


WORMWOOD = SOMETHING IS DECAYING


WATERS BECAME WORMWOOD = BOMB IS IN WATER


BITTER WATERS = RADIOACTIVE CONTAMINATION


Century 2, Quatrain 41

(NOSTRADAMUS PROPHECY OF WORMWOOD)


The great star will burn for seven days,
The cloud will cause two suns to appear:
The big mastiff will howl all night
When the great pontiff will change country.


GREAT STAR = WORMWOOD


SEVEN DAYS = MAKAVELI AND THE 7 DAY THEORY


BIG MASTIFF = PIT BULLS


GREAT PONTIFF = POPE BENEDICT XVI


CARE TO SEE WORMWOOD?


The Case of the Missing H-Bomb

by Jeffrey St. Clair


Things go missing. It's to be expected. Even at the Pentagon. Last October, the Pentagon's inspector general reported that

the military's accountants had misplaced a destroyer, several tanks and armored personnel carriers, hundreds of machine guns,

rounds of ammo, grenade launchers and some surface-to-air missiles.In all, nearly $8 billion in weapons were AWOL.

Those anomalies are bad enough. But what's truly chilling is the fact that the Pentagon has lost track of

the mother of all weapons, a hydrogen bomb. The thermonuclear weapon, designed to incinerate Moscow, has been sitting

somewhere off the coast of Savannah, Georgia for the past 40 years. The Air Force has gone to greater lengths to conceal the

mishap than to locate the bomb and secure it.


On the night of February 5, 1958 a B-47 Stratojet bomber carrying a hydrogen bomb on a night training flight off the

Georgia coast collided with an F-86 Saberjet fighter at 36,000 feet. The collision destroyed the fighter and severely

damaged a wing of the bomber, leaving one of its engines partially dislodged. The bomber's pilot, Maj. Howard Richardson,

was instructed to jettison the H-bomb before attempting a landing. Richardson dropped the bomb into the shallow

waters of Warsaw Sound, near the mouth of the Savannah River, a few miles from the city of Tybee Island, where he

believed the bomb would be swiftly recovered.


MONTH & DAY 2-5 = 2+5 = 7 DAY THEORY


2+5 = 7 = DURING 43RD PRESIDENCY


2+5 = 7 = DURING PAPACY OF POPE BENEDICT 16TH


EZEKIEL 2:5

And they, whether they will hear, or whether they will forbear,

(for they are a rebellious house,)


yet shall know that there hath been a prophet among them.


The Pentagon recorded the incident in a top secret memo to the chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission.

The memo has been partially declassified: "A B-47 aircraft with a [word redacted] nuclear weapon aboard was damaged

in a collision with an F-86 aircraft near Sylvania, Georgia, on February 5, 1958. The B-47 aircraft attempted three times

unsuccessfully to land with the weapon. The weapon was then jettisoned visually over water off the mouth of the

Savannah River. No detonation was observed."

Soon search and rescue teams were sent to the site. Warsaw Sound was mysteriously cordoned off by Air Force troops.

For six weeks, the Air Force looked for the bomb without success. Underwater divers scoured the depths, troops tromped

through nearby salt marshes, and a blimp hovered over the area attempting to spot a hole or crater in the beach or swamp.

Then just a month later, the search was abruptly halted. The Air Force sent its forces to Florence, South Carolina, where

another H-bomb had been accidentally dropped by a B-47. The bomb's 200 pounds of TNT exploded on impact,

sending radioactive debris across the landscape. The explosion caused extensive property damage and several injuries

on the ground. Fortunately, the nuke itself didn't detonate.

The search teams never returned to Tybee Island, and the affair of the missing H-bomb was discreetly covered up.

The end of the search was noted in a partially declassified memo from the Pentagon to the AEC, in which the

Air Force politely requested a new H-bomb to replace the one it had lost. "The search for this weapon was

discontinued on 4-16-1958 and the weapon is considered irretrievably lost. It is requested that one [phrase redacted]

weapon be made available for release to the DOD as a replacement."


IT IS 4-16-1927 AND THE GREAT PONTIFF POPE BENEDICT XVI IS BORN.


EZEKIEL 4:16

(GEORGIA'S DROUGHT)

Moreover he said unto me, Son of man, behold,

I will break the staff of bread in Jerusalem:

and they shall eat bread by weight, and with care;

and they shall drink water by measure,

and with astonishment:


IT IS 4-16-2007 AND GEORGIA'S FOREST ARE ON FIRE, THE WORST IN GEORGIA'S RECORDED HISTORY.


THE CURSE OF THE TUPAC SHAKUR'S MEMORIAL AT VIRGINIA TECH


IT IS 4-16-2007 AND SEUNG-HUI CHO HAS JUST WENT ON A MURDER SPREE AT VIRGINIA TECH.

IT IS 1-18-1984 AND SEUNG-HUI CHO IS BORN.


REVELATION 1:18

I am he that liveth, and was dead; and, behold, I am alive for evermore,

Amen; and have the keys of hell and of death.

UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED THE CONFEDERACY FELL


IT IS 1-18-1861 AND GEORGIA PASSES ITS ORDINANCE FOR SECESSION FROM THE UNION.


IF THE BLIND FOLLOWS THE BLIND BOTH ARE SURE TO FALL IN A WELL

(PROPHECY OF WORMWOOD)


IT IS 8-11-1933 AND THE REVEREND JERRY FALWELL IS BORN IN VIRGINIA.


IT IS 5-15-2007 AND YOLANDA KING AND THE REVEREND JERRY FALWELL IS DEAD.


EZEKIEL 5:15

So it shall be a reproach and a taunt, an instruction and an astonishment

unto the nations that are round about thee,

when I shall execute judgments in thee in anger and in fury and in furious rebukes.


I the LORD have spoken it. 5:16 When I shall send upon

them the evil arrows of famine, which shall be for their destruction,

and which I will send to destroy you: and I will increase the famine upon you,

and will break your staff of bread: 5:17 So will I send upon

you famine and evil beasts, and they shall bereave thee;

and pestilence and blood shall pass through thee;

and I will bring the sword upon thee. I the LORD have spoken it.


IN MEMORY OF ANNIJAH ROLAX


I DEDICATE MY BATTLE WITH THUGLIFEARMY.COM AND THE TUPAC SHAKUR CENTER

TO THE MEMORY OF 9 YEAR OLD ANNIJAH ROLAX

A HONOR ROLE STUDENT WHO WAS SHOT IN THE HEAD

WHILE SHE WAS ON HER COMPUTER BY TWO THUGS

WHO WAS ROBBING SOMEONE OUTSIDE HER APARTMENT ON 7-25-2007.


JEREMIAH 7:25

Since the day that your fathers came forth out of the land of Egypt

unto this day I have even sent unto you all my servants the prophets,

daily rising up early and sending them: 7:26 Yet they hearkened not unto me,

nor inclined their ear, but hardened their neck:

they did worse than their fathers. 7:27 Therefore thou shalt speak all these words unto them;

but they will not hearken to thee: thou shalt also call unto them;

but they will not answer thee. 7:28 But thou shalt say unto them,

This is a nation that obeyeth not the voice of the LORD their God,

nor receiveth correction: truth is perished, and is cut off from their mouth.


EZEKIEL 7:25

Destruction cometh; and they shall seek peace,

and there shall be none. 7:26 Mischief shall come upon mischief,

and rumour shall be upon rumour;

then shall they seek a vision of the prophet;

but the law shall perish from the priest,

and counsel from the ancients. 7:27 The king shall mourn,

and the prince shall be clothed with desolation,

and the hands of the people of the land shall be troubled:

I will do unto them after their way, and according to their deserts will I judge them;

and they shall know that I am the LORD.

AFENI SHAKUR SAYS SHE FORGIVES ME…BUT WHO WILL FORGIVE HER?


MEET THE PRESS

(A MESSAGE FROM GOD TO WE THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES)


IT IS 5-7-1950 AND TIM RUSSERT OF MEET THE PRESS IS BORN.


DANIEL 5:7

The king cried aloud to bring in the astrologers, the Chaldeans,

and the soothsayers. And the king spake, and said to the wise men of Babylon,

Whosoever shall read this writing, and shew me the interpretation thereof,

shall be clothed with scarlet, and have a chain of gold about his neck,

and shall be the third ruler in the kingdom.


IT IS 6-13-2008 AND TIM RUSSERT IS DEAD.


REVELATION 6:13

And the stars of heaven fell unto the earth,

even as a fig tree casteth her untimely figs,

when she is shaken of a mighty wind.

VERSE 6:13 = 6+1/3 = EZEKIEL 7:3


EZEKIEL 7:3

Now is the end come upon thee, and I will send mine anger upon thee,

and will judge thee according to thy ways,

and will recompense upon thee all thine abominations.


GUILTY BY ASSOCIATION

IT IS 11-26-2007 AND RED SKINS FOOT PLAYER SEAN TAYLOR IS SHOT DURING A HOME INVASION BY A GROUP OF THUGS. IT TURNS OUT THAT HIS SISTER HAD INVITED ONE OF THE THUGS TO SEAN'S HOUSE FOR A PARTY.

DEUTERONOMY 11:26

(CURSE OF WORMWOOD)


Behold, I set before you this day a blessing and a curse;


VERSE 11:26 = 11/2+6 = 118 = 811 REVELATION = CURSE OF WORMWOOD


IT IS 11-27-2007 AND SEAN TAYLOR HAS JUST DIED FROM HIS WOUNDS.


DEUTERONOMY 11:27


A blessing, if ye obey the commandments of the LORD your God,

which I command you this day: 11:28 And a curse,

if ye will not obey the commandments of the LORD your God,

but turn aside out of the way which I command you this day,

to go after other gods, which ye have not known.


DON'T BE AN APRIL FOOL


IT IS 4-1-1983 AND SEAN TAYLOR IS BORN ON APRIL FOOLS DAY.


KING OF FOOLS


IT IS 4-1-1973 AND KING OF FOOLS JOSEPH FRANCIS OWNER OF GIRLS GONE WILD IS BORN ON APRIL FOOLS DAY.

APRIL FOOLS DAY = TO BE DECEIVED = DEVIL


ST. MATTHEW 4:1

(FOOLS GONE WILD)


Then was Jesus led up of the Spirit into the wilderness to be tempted of the devil.


DON'T BE A KING OF FOOLS


IT IS 1-22-2008 AND HEATH LEDGER HAS JUST PASSED AWAY AFTER RAPPING UP HIS JOB AS THE JOKER IN THE NEW BATMAN MOVIE, THE DARK KNIGHT.


JOB 1:22

(DON'T BE AN APRIL FOOL)


In all this Job sinned not, nor charged God foolishly.


DON'T BE A KING OF FOOLS


IT IS 4-4-1979 AND HEATH LEDGER IS COINCIDENTALLY BORN ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ASSASSINATION OF MARTIN LUTHER KING.

JOB 4:4

Thy words have upholden him that was falling,

and thou hast strengthened the feeble knees.


IT IS 4-4-1968 AND MARTIN LUTHER KING IS ASSASSINATED.


YEAR 68 = 6+8 = 14 = 41 = DON'T BE AN APRIL FOOL


DEUTERONOMY 4:4

But ye that did cleave unto the LORD your God are alive every one of you this day.


IT IS 4-5-2008 AND CHARLTON HESTON IS DEAD.


DEUTERONOMY 4:5

Behold, I have taught you statutes and judgments, even as the LORD my God commanded me, that ye should do so in the land whither ye go to possess it. 4:6 Keep therefore and do them; for this is your wisdom and your understanding in the sight of the nations, which shall hear all these statutes, and say, Surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people.


BOYCOTT BECKY HAMMON QUEEN OF FOOLS

(STOP THE BULLSHIT CAMPAIGN)


DICTIONARY

WHORE: A person who is unscrupulous, especially one who compromises their principles for gain.

BECKY "JUDAS" HAMMON

(DON'T BE A QUEEN OF FOOLS!!!)


IT IS 3-11-1977 AND INTERNATIONAL WHORE/WNBA BASKET BALL PLAYER BECKY HAMMON OF THE SAN ANTONIO SILVER STARS IS BORN IN RAPID CITY, SOUTH DAKOTA OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

MONTH & DAY 3-11 = 3+11 = 14 = 41 = APRIL 1ST = APRIL FOOL = JUDAS


311 = PHONE# FOR HOMELAND SECURITY


YEAR 77 = 7=7 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS = JUDAS


ST. JOHN 3:11

(HOMELAND FALSE SENSE OF SECURITY WARNING)


Verily, verily, I say unto thee, We speak that we do know,

and testify that we have seen; and ye receive not our witness.

VERSE 3:11 = PHONE# FOR HOMELAND SECURITY


HALL OF SHAME

(WORSHIPPING OF A FALSE IDOL)

IT IS 11-12-2004 AND BECKY HAMMON IS INDUCTED INTO THE COLORADO STATE UNIVERSITY SPORTS HALL OF FAME.


MONTH & DAY 11-12 = 11+1+2 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS = FALSE IDOL


JEREMIAH 11:12

Then shall the cities of Judah and inhabitants of Jerusalem go,

and cry unto the gods unto whom they offer incense:

but they shall not save them at all in the time of their trouble.


IT IS 1-22-2005 AND BECKY HAMMON'S #25 COLORADO STATE JERSEY IS RETIRED AT THE MOBY ARENA.

#25 = FEBRUARY 5TH = LOST HYDROGEN BOMB = PROPHECY OF WORMWOOD


MONTH & DAY 1-22 = 2+2/1 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS = JUDAS


PROVERBS 1:22

(DON'T BE A BECKY HAMMON!!!)


How long, ye simple ones, will ye love simplicity?

and the scorners delight in their scorning, and fools hate knowledge?


VERSE 1:22 = 2+2/1 = 41 = APRIL 1ST = DON'T BE AN APRIL FOOL


2008 OLYMPICS

(BECKY "WHORE/JUDAS" HAMMON)

SOURCE:WIKIPEDIA.ORG


After getting the impression that she would once again fail to make the U.S. Women's National Basketball Team, Hammon announced she would try to claim a roster slot on the Russian basketball team in the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, China. Coach Anne Donovan, one of the most decorated figures in women's basketball and coach of the 2008 United States Women's Olympic Basketball team said concerning Hammon's decision, "If you play in this country, live in this country and you grow up in the heartland - and you put on a Russian uniform - you are not a patriotic person." This has fueled controversy in which Hammon has been labeled a traitor for choosing to directly compete against her country in an event long predicated on nationalistic pride.


Hammon became a Russian citizen earlier in 2008. The coach of Russia's team, Igor Grudin, is also the sports director of the CSKA team that Hammon plays for in Moscow during the WNBA off-season. The announcement that she would participate in camps for the Russian national team came the same day that it was also announced that national team player (and CSKA teammate of Hammon's) Olga Arteshina had become pregnant. Hammon also signed a three-year extension with the CSKA team at around the same time she was named as a prospect for the national team.


In 2006, Hammon began working during the WNBA offseason as a sideline reporter for ESPN telecasts of NBA basketball games. Her first broadcast was a Spurs-Cavs game in San Antonio on November 3, 2006.


MONTH & DAY 11-3 = 11+3 = 14 = 41 = FALSE SENSE OF SECURITY


PROVERBS 11:3

(DON'T BE AN APRIL FOOL)


The integrity of the upright shall guide them:

but the perverseness of transgressors shall destroy them.


DEUTERONOMY 11:3

(FALSE SENSE OF SECURITY WARNING!!!)


And his miracles, and his acts,

which he did in the midst of Egypt unto Pharaoh the king of Egypt,

and unto all his land;


IT IS 10-4-1923 AND ACTOR CHARLTON HESTON IS BORN.


MONTH & DAY 10-4 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOL = TO BE DECEIVED = ACTOR


DEUTERONOMY 10:4

And he wrote on the tables, according to the first writing,

the ten commandments, which the LORD spake unto you

in the mount out of the midst of the fire in the day of the assembly:

and the LORD gave them unto me.


IT IS 10-5-1956 AND THE MOVIE THE TEN COMMANDMENTS IS RELEASED IN THEATRES ACROSS AMERICA.

DEUTERONOMY 10:5

And I turned myself and came down from the mount,

and put the tables in the ark which I had made;

and there they be, as the LORD commanded me.


QUEEN OF FOOLS AMY CRACK-HOUSE


IT IS 9-14-1983 AND INTERNATIONAL CRACK WHORE/SINGER AMY WINEHOUSE IS BORN.

MONTH & DAY 9-14 = 9+1+4 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS = QUEEN OF FOOLS


PROVERBS 9:14


For she sitteth at the door of her house, on a seat in the

high places of the city, 9:15 To call passengers who go right

on their ways: 9:16 Whoso is simple, let him turn in hither:

and as for him that wanteth understanding,

she saith to him, 9:17 Stolen waters are sweet,

and bread eaten in secret is pleasant. 9:18 But he knoweth

not that the dead are there; and that her guests are in the depths of hell.

DON'T BE A QUEEN OF FOOLS


IT IS 6-8-1933 AND INTERNATIONAL PLASTIC SURGERY WHORE/COMEDIAN JOAN RIVERS IS BORN.

MONTH & DAY 6-8 = 6+8 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOL = QUEEN OF FOOLS


JUDGES 6:8

That the LORD sent a prophet unto the children of Israel,

which said unto them, Thus saith the LORD God of Israel,


PSALMS 6:8

Depart from me, all ye workers of iniquity;

for the LORD hath heard the voice of my weeping.

IT IS 12-2-1981 AND INTERNATIONAL PAPARAZZI WHORE/SINGER BRITNEY SPEARS IS BORN.

MONTH & DAY 12-2 = 2+2/1 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS = QUEEN OF FOOLS


PSALMS 12:2

They speak vanity every one with his neighbour:

with flattering lips and with a double heart do they speak.


DON'T BE A QUEEN OF FOOLS

IT IS 4-4-1991 AND JAMIE LYNN SPEARS IS COINCIDENTALLY BORN ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE ASSASSINATION OF MARTIN LUTHER KING.


ISAIAH 4:4

When the Lord shall have washed away the filth of the daughters of Zion,

and shall have purged the blood of Jerusalem from the midst

thereof by the spirit of judgment, and by the spirit of burning.


IT IS 8-6-1911 AND QUEEN OF FOOLS LUCILLE BALL IS BORN.


MONTH & DAY 8-6 = 8+6 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS = QUEEN OF FOOLS


JEREMIAH 8:6


I hearkened and heard, but they spake not aright:

no man repented him of his wickedness, saying,

What have I done? every one turned to his course,

as the horse rusheth into the battle.


REVELATION 8:6

And the seven angels which had the seven trumpets prepared themselves to sound.


VERSE 8:6 = 8+6 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS


SEVEN ANGELS & SEVEN TRUMPETS = 7+7 = 14 = 431 = APRIL FOOLS


REVELATION 16:16

And he gathered them together into a place called in the Hebrew tongue Armageddon.


VERSE 16:16 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS = FALSE SENSE OF SECURITY


SOUND TRACK TO MOVIE DANGEROUS MINDS


IT IS 8-1-1963 AND GANGSTA RAPPER COOLIO IS BORN.


DANIEL 8:1

In the third year of the reign of king Belshazzar

a vision appeared unto me, even unto me Daniel,

after that which appeared unto me at the first.

a vision appeared unto me = THE CURSE OF WORMWOOD


THE CURSE OF WORMWOOD

IT IS 8-11-1995 AND THE MOVIE DANGEROUS MINDS IS RELEASED IN THEATRES ACROSS AMERICA.


DANGEROUS MINDS = GANGSTA RAP CULTURE = APRIL FOOLS


YEAR 95 = 9+5 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS = FALSE SENSE OF SECURITY


REVELATION 8:11

(COLLECTIVE KARMA OF DANGEROUS MINDS)


And the name of the star is called Wormwood:

and the third part of the waters became wormwood;

and many men died of the waters, because they were made bitter.


MASTER P PRESENTS KING OF FOOLS


IT IS 9-9-1977 AND GANGSTA RAPPER SOULJA SLIM WHO WROTE THE RAP BASED MUSIC SCORE AND ONE OF THE THEME SONGS FOR THE MOVIE DANGEROUS MIND IS BORN IN NEW ORLEANS.


YEAR 77 = 7+7 = 14 = 41 = APRIL FOOLS = KING OF FOOLS


JEREMIAH 9:9


Shall I not visit them for these things? saith the LORD:

shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?


VERSE 9:9 = 9+9 = 18 = 666 = MARK OF THE BEAST


AMERICAN SCUM BAGS


IT IS 9-9-1930 AND AMERICAN SCUM-BAG/GANGSTA FRANK LUCAS IS BORN.


MESSAGE FROM GOD TO ALL AMERICAN GANGSTAS


IT IS 4-29-1958 AND ACTRESS MICHELLE PFEIFFER IS BORN.


GOD IS THE ONLY MASTER

IT IS 4-29-1967 AND GANGSTA RAPPER MASTER P IS BORN IN NEW ORLEANS.


DEUTERONOMY 4:29

But if from thence thou shalt seek the LORD thy God,

thou shalt find him, if thou seek him with all thy heart

and with all thy soul. 4:30 When thou art in tribulation,

and all these things are come upon thee, even in the latter days,

if thou turn to the LORD thy God, and shalt be obedient unto

his voice; 4:31 (For the LORD thy God is a merciful God;) he

will not forsake thee, neither destroy thee, nor forget the

covenant of thy fathers which he sware unto them.


VERSE 4:29 = 4/2+9 = 411 INFORMATION = MESSAGE FROM GOD


VERSE 4:30 = DURING 43RD PRESIDENCY = LATTER DAYS = END OF DAYS


CUTTHROAT COMMUNITY

(YOU REAP WHAT YOU SOW, WELCOME TO DEATH ROW)


On Thanksgiving Eve November 26, 2003, Slim of record label Cutthroat Community was en route to a performance when an unknown gunman shot him three times in the face, and once in the chest, in front of his mother's home in the 8th Ward/Gentilly area.


VERSE 11:26 = 11/2+6 = 118 = 811 REVELATION = CURSE OF WORMWOOD


DICTIONARY


CUTTHROAT: 1 A murderer who slits the throats of his victims.
2 An unscrupulous, ruthless or unethical person.


DEUTERONOMY 11:26


Behold, I set before you this day a blessing and a curse;

BY THE WAY, WELCOME TO END OF DAYS

AND ITS

CODES OF ARMAGEDDON


WHAT IS PEACE WITHOUT LOVE?


IT IS 10-19-2007 AND MICHAEL THE ARCHANGEL HAS JUST CALLED CHANNEL 2 NEWS IN ATLANTA TO REPORT THAT HE HAS JUST DEFACED THE STATUE OF TUPAC SHAKUR IN THE PEACE GARDEN.


DANIEL 10:19

And said, O man greatly beloved, fear not: peace be unto thee, be strong,

yea, be strong. And when he had spoken unto me,

I was strengthened, and said, Let my lord speak;

for thou hast strengthened me.


CONTACT INFO LUVSXIBACK@GMAIL.COM

MYSPACE.COM/LUVSXI



Original Press Release Story About Vandalism Of Tupac Statue Courtesy Of Thug Life Army
http://www.thuglifearmy.com/news/?id=4005

To Read The Full Article In The Atlanta Journal-Constitution Go To - http://www.atlantamusicguide.com/atlanta_journal_constitution.htm

More 2Pac On W.E. A.L.L. B.E. News & Radio...

My Open Letter To Ms. Afeni Shakur...
http://thaartivist.blogspot.com/2006/03/my-open-letter-to-ms.html

Check out 2Pac's lost 1992 interview...The Thug Life Holy Grail!!!
http://weallbe.blogspot.com/2006/09/check-out-2pacs-lost-1992-interviewthe.html

Happy Birthday 2Pac!!! *June 16, 1971-September 13, 1996*
http://weallbe.blogspot.com/2006/06/happy-birthday-2pac-june-16-1971.html

Good Knight???
http://weallbe.blogspot.com/2007/03/good-knight.html

The Cos Got No Love For Pac Nor His Mom...